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Proportional representation: Difference between revisions
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An alternative, [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semi-proportional_representation#Non-partisan_systems more common] definition of semi-proportional is that a voting method must pass some weak form of [[Proportionality for Solid Coalitions]] e.g. allowing voters to get PSC-like outcomes through strategic voting. Something like [[SNTV]] would classify as semi-proportional under this definition.
==PR electoral systems==
:''copied from https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Proportional_representation&oldid=1016347746 by [[User:RobLa]]''
===Party list PR===
{{Main|Party-list proportional representation}}
Party list proportional representation is an electoral system in which seats are first allocated to parties based on vote share, and then assigned to party-affiliated candidates on the parties' [[electoral list]]s. This system is used in many countries, including [[Finland]] (open list), [[Latvia]] (open list), [[Sweden]] (open list), [[Israel]] (national closed list), [[Brazil]] (open list), [[Nepal]] (closed list) as adopted in 2008 in first CA election, the [[Netherlands]] (open list), [[Russia]] (closed list), [[South Africa]] (closed list), [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]] (open list), and [[Ukraine]] (open list). For elections to the [[European Parliament]], most [[Member states of the European Union|member states]] use open lists; but most large EU countries use closed lists, so that the majority of EP seats are distributed by those.<ref>As counted from the table in http://www.wahlrecht.de/ausland/europa.htm [in German]; "Vorzugsstimme(n)" means "open list".</ref> Local lists were used to elect the [[Italian Senate]] during the second half of the 20th century.
====Closed list PR====
{{Main|Closed list}}
In closed list systems, each party lists its candidates according to the party's [[candidate selection]] process. This sets the order of candidates on the list and thus, in effect, their probability of being elected. The first candidate on a list, for example, will get the first seat that party wins. Each voter casts a vote for a list of candidates. Voters, therefore, do not have the option to express their preferences at the ballot as to which of a party's candidates are elected into office.<ref>{{cite web |title=Party List PR |url = http://www.electoral-reform.org.uk/party-list|publisher=Electoral Reform Society |access-date=23 May 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |title=Fixing Canadian Democracy |author= Gordon Gibson |url = https://books.google.com/books?id=y7hFz5GawkcC&q=closed+list+PR&pg=PA58 |publisher=The Fraser Institute |page=76 |date=2003|isbn= 9780889752016 }}</ref> A party is allocated seats in proportion to the number of votes it receives.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gallagher |first1=Michael |last2=Mitchell |first2=Paul |date=2005 |title=The Politics of Electoral Systems |location=Oxford, New York |publisher=Oxford University Press |page=11 |isbn=978-0-19-925756-0}}</ref>
There is an [[Ley de Lemas|intermediate system]] in Uruguay, where each party presents several closed lists, each representing a faction. Seats are distributed between parties according to the number of votes, and then between the factions within each party.{{citation needed|date=May 2015}}
====Open list PR====
{{Main|Open list}}
In an open list, voters may vote, depending on the model, for one person, or for two, or indicate their order of preference within the list. These votes sometimes rearrange the order of names on the party's list and thus which of its candidates are elected. Nevertheless, the number of candidates elected from the list is determined by the number of votes the list receives.{{citation needed|date=May 2015}}
====Local list PR====
{{Main|Localized list}}
In a local list system, parties divide their candidates in single member-like constituencies, which are ranked inside each general party list depending by their percentages. This method allows electors to judge every single candidate as in a [[FPTP]] system.
====Two-tier party list systems====
Some party list proportional systems with open lists use a two-tier compensatory system, as in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden. In [[Folketing#Constitutional requirements|Denmark]], for example, the country is divided into ten multiple-member voting districts arranged in three regions, electing 135 representatives. In addition, 40 compensatory seats are elected. Voters have one vote which can be cast for an individual candidate or for a party list on the district ballot. To determine district winners, candidates are apportioned their share of their party's district list vote plus their individual votes. The compensatory seats are apportioned to the regions according to the party votes aggregated nationally, and then to the districts where the compensatory representatives are determined. In the 2007 general election, the district magnitudes, including compensatory representatives, varied between 14 and 28. The basic design of the system has remained unchanged since its introduction in 1920.<ref name=denmark>{{cite web|title=The Parliamentary Electoral System in Denmark |url=http://www.thedanishparliament.dk/Publications/The%20Parliamentary%20Electoral%20System%20in%20DK.aspx|publisher=Ministry of the Interior and Health|location=Copenhagen|access-date=1 Sep 2014|date=2011}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=The main features of the Norwegian electoral system |url=http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/kmd/information-campaigns/election_portal/the-electoral-system/the-norwegian-electoral-system.html?id=456636|publisher=Ministry of Local Government and Modernisation|location=Oslo|access-date=1 Sep 2014|date=2017-07-06}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|title=The Swedish electoral system|url=http://www.val.se/sprak/engelska/general_information/index.html|publisher=Election Authority|location=Stockholm|access-date=1 Sep 2014|date=2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140818233057/http://www.val.se/sprak/engelska/general_information/index.html|archive-date=18 August 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref>
===Single transferable vote===
{{Main|Single transferable vote}}
The single transferable vote (STV), also called ''choice voting'',<ref name=fairVoteFairRep>{{cite web |title=Fair Voting/Proportional Representation |url=http://www.fairvote.org/reforms/fair-representation-voting/ |publisher=[[FairVote]] |access-date=9 April 2014}}</ref><ref name=amyHist>{{cite web|last=Amy|first=Douglas J|title=A Brief History of Proportional Representation in the United States |url=http://archive.fairvote.org/?page=647 |publisher=[[FairVote]]|access-date=16 October 2015}}</ref> is a [[ranked voting|ranked system]]: voters rank candidates in order of preference. Voting districts usually elect three to seven representatives. The count is cyclic, electing or eliminating candidates and transferring votes until all seats are filled. A candidate is elected whose tally reaches a [[Droop quota|quota]], the minimum vote that guarantees election. The candidate's surplus votes (those in excess of the quota) are transferred to other candidates at a fraction of their value proportionate to the surplus, according to the voters' preferences. If no candidates reach the quota, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated, those votes being transferred to their next preference at full value, and the count continues. There are many methods for transferring votes. Some early, manual, methods transferred surplus votes according to a randomly selected sample, or transferred only a "batch" of the surplus, other more recent methods transfer all votes at a fraction of their value (the surplus divided by the candidate's tally) but may need the use of a computer. Some methods may not produce exactly the same result when the count is repeated. There are also different ways of treating transfers to already elected or eliminated candidates, and these, too, can require a computer.<ref name=tidemanSTV>{{cite journal |last1=Tideman|first1=Nicolaus|author-link=Nicolaus Tideman|date=1995 |title=The Single Transferable Vote |journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives |volume=9 |issue=1 |doi=10.1257/jep.9.1.27 |pages=27–38|url=http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/jep.9.1.27}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=O’Neill|first1=Jeffrey C.|date=July 2006 |title=Comments on the STV Rules Proposed by British Columbia |journal=Voting Matters |issue=22 |url = http://www.votingmatters.org.uk/ISSUE22/INDEX.HTM |access-date=10 August 2013}}</ref>
In effect, the method produces groups of voters of equal size that reflect the diversity of the electorate, each group having a representative the group voted for. Some 90% of voters have a representative to whom they gave their first preference. Voters can choose candidates using any criteria they wish, the proportionality is implicit.<ref name=DMstvPdf/> Political parties are not necessary; all other prominent PR electoral systems presume that parties reflect voters wishes, which many believe gives power to parties.<ref name=tidemanSTV/> STV satisfies the [[Comparison of electoral systems|electoral system criterion]] ''[[Proportionality for Solid Coalitions|proportionality for solid coalitions]]''{{snd}} a solid coalition for a set of candidates is the group of voters that rank all those candidates above all others{{snd}} and is therefore considered a system of proportional representation.<ref name=tidemanSTV/> However, the small district magnitude used in STV elections has been criticized as impairing proportionality, especially when more parties compete than there are seats available,<ref name=forder/>{{rp|50}} and STV has, for this reason, sometimes been labelled "quasi proportional".<ref name=AusOVC/>{{rp|83}} While this may be true when considering districts in isolation, results {{em|overall}} are proportional. In Ireland, with particularly small magnitudes, results are "highly proportional".<ref name=ideaEsd/>{{rp|73}}<ref name=ideaGallagher/> In [[1997 Irish general election|1997]], the average magnitude was 4.0 but eight parties gained representation, four of them with less than 3% of first preference votes nationally. Six independent candidates also won election.<ref name=laver/> STV has also been described as the {{em|most}} proportional system.<ref name=AusOVC/>{{rp|83}} The system tends to handicap extreme candidates because, to gain preferences and so improve their chance of election, candidates need to canvass voters beyond their own circle of supporters, and so need to moderate their views.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Referendum 2011: A look at the STV system |url=http://www.nzherald.co.nz/nz/news/article.cfm?c_id=1&objectid=10762976 |publisher=The New Zealand Herald |date=1 Nov 2011 |access-date=21 Nov 2014 |location=Auckland|work=[[The New Zealand Herald]] }}</ref><ref>{{cite magazine |title=Change the Way We Elect? Round Two of the Debate |url=https://thetyee.ca/Views/2009/04/30/STV2/ |magazine=The Tyee |date=30 Apr 2009 |access-date=21 Nov 2014 |location=Vancouver}}</ref> Conversely, widely respected candidates can win election with relatively few first preferences by benefitting from strong subordinate preference support.<ref name=DMstvPdf/>
====Australian Senate STV====
The term ''STV'' in Australia refers to the Senate electoral system, a variant of ''Hare-Clark'' characterized by the "above the line" [[group voting ticket]], a party list option. It is used in the Australian upper house, the [[Australian Senate|Senate]], most state upper houses, the [[Tasmania|Tasmanian]] lower house and the Capital Territory assembly. Due to the number of preferences that are compulsory if a vote for candidates (below-the-line) is to be valid{{snd}} for the Senate a minimum of 90% of candidates must be scored, in 2013 in [[New South Wales]] that meant writing 99 preferences on the ballot<ref name=prsaHC/>{{snd}} 95% and more of voters use the above-the-line option, making the system, in all but name, a party list system.<ref name=uwaAbove>{{cite web|title=Above the line voting |url=http://elections.uwa.edu.au/glossaryc.lasso?CondensedGlossary=abovethelinevoting |publisher=University of Western Australia |access-date=21 Nov 2014|location=Perth}}</ref><ref name=abcGlossaryGVT>{{cite web |title=Glossary of Election Terms |url=http://www.abc.net.au/elections/federal/2010/guide/glossary.htm#group_voting_ticket |publisher=Australian Broadcasting Corporation|access-date=21 Nov 2014|location=Sydney}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hill|first1=I.D.|date=November 2000 |title=How to ruin STV |journal=Voting Matters |issue=12 |url = http://www.votingmatters.org.uk/ISSUE12/P7.htm |access-date=10 August 2013}}</ref> Parties determine the order in which candidates are elected and also control transfers to other lists and this has led to anomalies: preference deals between parties, and "micro parties" which rely entirely on these deals. Additionally, independent candidates are unelectable unless they form, or join, a group above-the-line.<ref name=anthonyGreen04>{{cite web|last=Green|first=Anthony|title=Above or below the line? Managing preference votes|url=http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=3359&page=0 |publisher=On Line Opinion|date=20 April 2005|access-date=21 Nov 2014 |location=Australia}}</ref><ref name=ersDog>{{cite web|last=Terry|first=Chris|title=Serving up a dog's breakfast|url=http://devers2.speedster-it.com/blog/serving-up-a-dogs-breakfast|publisher=[[Electoral Reform Society]]|date=5 April 2012|access-date=21 Nov 2014|location=London|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171007220903/http://devers2.speedster-it.com/blog/serving-up-a-dogs-breakfast|archive-date=7 October 2017|url-status=dead}}</ref> Concerning the development of STV in Australia researchers have observed: "... we see real evidence of the extent to which Australian politicians, particularly at national levels, are prone to fiddle with the electoral system".<ref name=AusOVC>{{cite book|title=The Australian Electoral System: Origins, Variations, and Consequences |date=2006|publisher=[[UNSW Press]] |location=Sydney |isbn=978-0868408583 |author=David M. Farrell |author2=Ian McAllister}}</ref>{{rp|86}}
As a result of a parliamentary commission investigating the 2013 election, from 2016 the system has been considerably reformed (see [[2016 Australian federal election]]), with group voting tickets (GVTs) abolished and voters no longer required to fill all boxes.
===Mixed compensatory systems===
A mixed compensatory system is an electoral system that is [[mixed electoral system|mixed]], meaning that it combines a plurality/majority formula with a proportional formula,<ref name=ACEMixSys>{{cite web|last1=ACE Project Electoral Knowledge Network|title=Mixed Systems|url=https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/es/esd/esd03/default|access-date=29 June 2016}}</ref> and that uses the proportional component to compensate for disproportionality caused by the plurality/majority component.<ref name=MassicotteSearch>{{cite report|first1=Louis|last1=Massicotte|title=In Search of Compensatory Mixed Electoral System for Québec|url=https://www.institutions-democratiques.gouv.qc.ca/publications/mode_scrutin_rapport_en.pdf|date=2004}}</ref><ref name=BochslerTerritory>{{cite book|first1=Daniel|last1=Bochsler|title=Territory and Electoral Rules in Post-Communist Democracies|chapter=Chapter 5, How Party Systems Develop in Mixed Electoral Systems|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qkCBDAAAQBAJ|date=May 13, 2010|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|isbn=9780230281424}}</ref> For example, suppose that a party wins 10 seats based on [[plurality voting|plurality]], but requires 15 seats in total to obtain its proportional share of an elected body. A fully proportional mixed compensatory system would award this party 5 compensatory (PR) seats, raising the party's seat count from 10 to 15. The most prominent mixed compensatory system is [[mixed member proportional representation]] (MMP), used in Germany since 1949. In MMP, the seats won by plurality are associated with single-member districts.
====Mixed member proportional representation====
{{Main|Mixed member proportional representation}}
Mixed member proportional representation (MMP) is a two-tier system that combines a single-district vote, usually [[First-past-the-post voting|first-past-the-post]], with a compensatory regional or nationwide party list proportional vote. The system aims to combine the local district representation of [[FPTP]] and the proportionality of a national party list system. MMP has the potential to produce proportional or moderately proportional election outcomes, depending on a number of factors such as the ratio of FPTP seats to PR seats, the existence or nonexistence of extra compensatory seats to make up for [[overhang seat]]s, and electoral thresholds.<ref name="IfesElecSys">{{cite web |title=Electoral Systems and the Delimitation of Constituencies |url=http://www.ifes.org/publications/electoral-systems-and-delimitation-constituencies |date=2 Jul 2009 |publisher=[[International Foundation for Electoral Systems]]}}</ref><ref name="MoserMixedElec">{{cite journal |title=Mixed electoral systems and electoral system effects: controlled comparison and cross-national analysis|date=December 2004|volume=23 |issue=4 |pages=575–599|last1=Moser|first1=Robert G. |doi=10.1016/S0261-3794(03)00056-8 |journal=Electoral Studies}}</ref><ref name="MassicotteMixedElecSys">{{cite journal |title=Mixed electoral systems: a conceptual and empirical survey |date=September 1999 |volume=18 |issue=3 |pages=341–366|last1=Massicotte|first1=Louis |doi=10.1016/S0261-3794(98)00063-8 |journal=Electoral Studies}}</ref> It was invented for the German [[Bundestag]] after the Second World War and has spread to [[Lesotho]], [[Bolivia]] and [[New Zealand]]. The system is also used for the [[Welsh Assembly|Welsh]] and [[Scottish Assembly|Scottish]] assemblies where it is called the [[additional member system]].<ref name=ersAMS/><ref name=DouglasHowPrElecWork/>
Voters typically have two votes, one for their district representative and one for the party list. The list vote usually determines how many seats are allocated to each party in parliament. After the district winners have been determined, sufficient candidates from each party list are elected to "top-up" each party to the overall number of parliamentary seats due to it according to the party's overall list vote. Before apportioning list seats, all list votes for parties which failed to reach the threshold are discarded. If eliminated parties lose seats in this manner, then the seat counts for parties that achieved the threshold improve. Also, any direct seats won by independent candidates are subtracted from the parliamentary total used to apportion list seats.<ref>{{cite web|title=MMP Voting System |url=http://www.elections.org.nz/voting-system/mmp-voting-system |publisher=[[Electoral Commission (New Zealand)|Electoral Commission New Zealand]]|location=Wellington|access-date=10 Aug 2014|date=2011}}</ref>
The system has the potential to produce proportional results, but proportionality can be compromised if the ratio of list to district seats is too low, it may then not be possible to completely compensate district seat disproportionality. Another factor can be how [[overhang seat]]s are handled, district seats that a party wins in excess of the number due to it under the list vote. To achieve proportionality, other parties require "balance seats", increasing the size of parliament by twice the number of overhang seats, but this is not always done. Until recently, Germany increased the size of parliament by the number of overhang seats but did not use the increased size for apportioning list seats. This was changed for the 2013 national election after the constitutional court rejected the previous law, not compensating for overhang seats had resulted in a [[negative vote weight]] effect.<ref>{{cite news|title=Deutschland hat ein neues Wahlrecht |url=http://www.zeit.de/politik/deutschland/2013-02/bundestag-wahlrecht-beschluss |publisher=[[Zeit Online]]|language=de|date=22 February 2013}}</ref> Lesotho, Scotland and Wales do not increase the size of parliament at all, and, in 2012, a New Zealand parliamentary commission also proposed abandoning compensation for overhang seats, and so fixing the size of parliament. At the same time, it would abolish the single-seat threshold{{snd}} any such seats would then be overhang seats and would otherwise have increased the size of parliament further{{snd}} and reduce the electoral threshold from 5% to 4%. Proportionality would not suffer.<ref name=ideaEsd/><ref name=NZ2012EC>{{cite web|title=Report of the Electoral Commission on the Review of the MMP Voting System|url=http://www.elections.org.nz/events/past-events-0/2012-mmp-review/results-mmp-review|publisher=[[Electoral Commission (New Zealand)|Electoral Commission New Zealand]]|location=Wellington|access-date=10 Aug 2014|date=2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140707151142/http://www.elections.org.nz/events/past-events-0/2012-mmp-review/results-mmp-review|archive-date=7 July 2014|url-status=dead}}</ref>
====Dual member proportional representation====
{{Main|Dual member proportional representation}}
Dual member proportional representation (DMP) is a single-vote system that elects two representatives in every district.<ref>{{cite web|author=Sean Graham|title=Dual-Member Mixed Proportional: A New Electoral System for Canada|url=https://era.library.ualberta.ca/items/e3ab993a-d264-4d30-b819-290ab5fd6b62|date=April 4, 2016}}</ref> The first seat in each district is awarded to the candidate who wins a plurality of the votes, similar to [[first-past-the-post voting]]. The remaining seats are awarded in a compensatory manner to achieve proportionality across a larger region. DMP employs a formula similar to the "best near-winner" variant of [[mixed-member proportional representation|MMP]] used in the German state of [[Baden-Württemberg]].<ref>{{cite news|author=Antony Hodgson|title=Why a referendum on electoral reform would be undemocratic|url=https://thetyee.ca/Opinion/2016/01/21/Why-Referendum-on-Electoral-Reform-Undemocratic/|work=[[The Tyee]]|date=Jan 21, 2016}}</ref> In Baden-Württemberg, compensatory seats are awarded to candidates who receive high levels of support at the district level compared with other candidates of the same party. DMP differs in that at most one candidate per district is permitted to obtain a compensatory seat. If multiple candidates contesting the same district are slated to receive one of their parties' compensatory seats, the candidate with the highest vote share is elected and the others are eliminated. DMP is similar to [[Single transferable vote|STV]] in that all elected representatives, including those who receive compensatory seats, serve their local districts. Invented in 2013 in the [[Provinces and Territories of Canada|Canadian province]] of [[Alberta]], DMP received attention on [[Prince Edward Island]] where it appeared on a [[2016 Prince Edward Island electoral reform referendum|2016 plebiscite]] as a potential replacement for [[first-past-the-post voting|FPTP]],<ref>{{cite news|author=Kerry Campbell|title=P.E.I. electoral reform committee proposes ranked ballot|url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/pei-electoral-reform-1.3537355|work=[[CBC News]]|date=April 15, 2016}}</ref> but was eliminated on the third round.<ref>{{cite web|author=Elections PEI|title=Plebiscite Results|url=http://www.electionspei.ca/plebisciteresults|date=November 7, 2016|access-date=October 26, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161108134958/http://www.electionspei.ca/plebisciteresults|archive-date=November 8, 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|author=Susan Bradley|title=P.E.I. plebiscite favours mixed member proportional representation|url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/prince-edward-island/mixed-member-proportional-representation-in-plebiscite-1.3840172|work=[[CBC News]]|date=November 7, 2016}}</ref> It was also one of three proportional voting system options on a [[2018 British Columbia electoral reform referendum|2018 referendum]] in [[British Columbia]].<ref>{{cite web |first=David |last=Eby |title=How We Vote: 2018 Electoral Reform Referendum Report and Recommendations of the Attorney General |url=https://engage.gov.bc.ca/app/uploads/sites/271/2018/05/How-We-Vote-2018-Electoral-Reform-Referendum-Report-and-Recommendations-of-the-Attorney-General.pdf |date=May 30, 2018 |access-date=June 9, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180831060310/https://engage.gov.bc.ca/app/uploads/sites/271/2018/05/How-We-Vote-2018-Electoral-Reform-Referendum-Report-and-Recommendations-of-the-Attorney-General.pdf |archive-date=August 31, 2018 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite news |first=Justin |last=McElroy |title=Know your voting systems: three types of electoral reform on B.C.'s ballot |url=http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/pr-electoral-reform-questions-1.4688604?cmp=rss |work=[[CBC News]] |date=June 2, 2018}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |publisher=[[Elections BC]] |title=2018 Referendum on Electoral Reform: Voting Results Available |url=https://elections.bc.ca/news/2018-referendum-on-electoral-reform-voting-results-available/ |access-date=November 1, 2020}}</ref>
===Biproportional apportionment===
{{Main|Biproportional apportionment}}
Biproportional [[apportionment (politics)|apportionment]] applies a mathematical method ([[iterative proportional fitting]]) for the modification of an election result to achieve proportionality. It was proposed for elections by the mathematician [[Michel Balinski]] in 1989, and first used by the city of [[Zurich]] for its council elections in February 2006, in a modified form called "new Zurich apportionment" (''Neue Zürcher Zuteilungsverfahren''). Zurich had had to modify its party list PR system after the [[Switzerland|Swiss Federal Court]] ruled that its smallest [[Ward (electoral subdivision)|wards]], as a result of population changes over many years, unconstitutionally disadvantaged smaller political parties. With biproportional apportionment, the use of open party lists hasn't changed, but the way winning candidates are determined has. The proportion of seats due to each party is calculated according to their overall citywide vote, and then the district winners are adjusted to conform to these proportions. This means that some candidates, who would otherwise have been successful, can be denied seats in favor of initially unsuccessful candidates, in order to improve the relative proportions of their respective parties overall. This peculiarity is accepted by the Zurich electorate because the resulting city council is proportional and all votes, regardless of district magnitude, now have equal weight. The system has since been adopted by other Swiss cities and [[Cantons of Switzerland|cantons]].<ref name=pukZna>{{cite journal |ref=ZurichNA|last1=Pukelsheim|first1=Friedrich|date=September 2009|title=Zurich's New Apportionment|journal=German Research|volume=31 |issue=2 |pages=10–12|doi=10.1002/germ.200990024| url=http://www.uni-augsburg.de/pukelsheim/2008e-en.pdf |access-date=10 August 2014}}</ref><ref name=balinskiFMV>{{cite journal |ref=FMV|last1=Balinski|first1=Michel|author-link=Michel Balinski|date=February 2008|title=Fair Majority Voting (or How to Eliminate Gerrymandering)|journal=The American Mathematical Monthly|volume=115 |issue=2 |pages=97–113|doi=10.1080/00029890.2008.11920503|s2cid=1139441| url=http://www.maa.org/programs/maa-awards/writing-awards/fair-majority-voting-or-how-to-eliminate-gerrymandering |access-date=10 August 2014}}</ref>
====Fair majority voting====
Balinski has proposed another variant called [[fair majority voting]] (FMV) to replace single-winner plurality/majoritarian electoral systems, in particular the system used for the [[US House of Representatives]]. FMV introduces proportionality without changing the method of voting, the number of seats, or the{{snd}}possibly gerrymandered{{snd}}district boundaries. Seats would be apportioned to parties in a proportional manner at the [[U.S. state|state]] level.<ref name=balinskiFMV/> In a related proposal for the [[UK parliament]], whose elections are contested by many more parties, the authors note that parameters can be tuned to adopt any degree of proportionality deemed acceptable to the electorate. In order to elect smaller parties, a number of constituencies would be awarded to candidates placed fourth or even fifth in the constituency{{snd}} unlikely to be acceptable to the electorate, the authors concede{{snd}} but this effect could be substantially reduced by incorporating a third, regional, apportionment tier, or by specifying minimum thresholds.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Akartunali|first1=Kerem|last2=Knight|first2=Philip A.|date=January 2014|title=Network Models and Biproportional Apportionment for Fair Seat Allocations in the UK Elections| url=http://personal.strath.ac.uk/kerem.akartunali/research/Voting_preprint.pdf |publisher=[[University of Strathclyde]]|access-date=10 August 2014}}</ref>
===Other proportional systems===
Generally, these differ from [[ranked choice voting]] by voters assigning a score instead of rank to each candidate. Each score is turned into a proportion by dividing by the sum of scores over candidates, for each position and voter (roughly similar, in effect, to each voter getting 100 percent to assign among candidates for each position).
====Reweighted range voting====
Reweighted range voting (RRV) is a multi-winner voting system similar to STV in that voters can express support for multiple candidates, but different in that candidates are [[Cardinal voting|graded]] instead of [[Ranked voting|ranked]].<ref name=smithMultisurv>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Warren|title=Comparative survey of multiwinner election methods|url=http://rangevoting.org/WarrenSmithPages/homepage/multisurv.pdf|date=18 June 2006}}</ref><ref name=kokSmithRangeWeb>{{cite web|last1=Kok|first1=Jan|last2=Smith|first2=Warren|title=Reweighted Range Voting – a Proportional Representation voting method that feels like range voting|url=http://rangevoting.org/RRV.html|access-date=4 April 2016}}</ref><ref name=ryanAssetWeb>{{cite web|last=Ryan|first=Ivan|title=Reweighted Range Voting – a Proportional Representation voting method that feels like range voting|url=http://rangevoting.org/RRVr.html|access-date=4 April 2016}}</ref> That is, a voter assigns a score to each candidate. The higher a candidate's scores, the greater the chance they will be among the winners.
Similar to STV, the vote counting procedure occurs in rounds. The first round of RRV is identical to [[range voting]]. All ballots are added with equal weight, and the candidate with the highest overall score is elected. In all subsequent rounds, ballots that support candidates who have already been elected are added with a reduced weight. Thus voters who support none of the winners in the early rounds are increasingly likely to elect one of their preferred candidates in a later round. The procedure has been shown to yield proportional outcomes if voters are loyal to distinct groups of candidates (e.g. political parties).<ref name=smithRange>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Warren|title=Reweighted range voting – new multiwinner voting method|url=http://rangevoting.org/WarrenSmithPages/homepage/rerange.pdf|date=6 August 2005}}</ref>
RRV was used for the nominations in the Visual Effects category for recent Academy Award Oscars from 2013 through 2017.<ref name=oscars2017Rules>{{cite web|title=89th Annual Academy Awards of Merit for Achievements during 2017|url=https://www.oscars.org/sites/oscars/files/89aa_rules.pdf|access-date=4 April 2016}}</ref><ref name=oscars2012RulesRule22>{{cite web|title=Rule Twenty-Two: Special Rules for the Visual Effects Award|url=http://www.oscars.org/awards/academyawards/rules/rule22.html|access-date=4 April 2016|url-status=bot: unknown|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120914153856/http://www.oscars.org/awards/academyawards/rules/rule22.html|archive-date=14 September 2012}}</ref>
====Proportional approval voting====
{{Main|Proportional approval voting|Sequential proportional approval voting}}
Systems can be devised that aim at proportional representation but are based on approval votes on individual candidates (not parties). Such is the idea of [[Proportional approval voting]] (PAV).<ref>{{cite arxiv|eprint=1611.08691|last1=Brill|first1=Markus|title=Multiwinner Approval Rules as Apportionment Methods|last2=Laslier|first2=Jean-François|last3=Skowron|first3=Piotr|class=cs.GT|year=2016}}</ref>
When there are a lot of seats to be filled, as in a legislature, counting ballots under PAV may not be feasible, so sequential variants have been proposed, such as [[Sequential proportional approval voting]] (SPAV). This method is similar to reweighted range voting in that several winners are elected using a multi-round counting procedure in which ballots supporting already elected candidates are given reduced weights. Under SPAV, however, a voter can only choose to approve or disapprove of each candidate, as in [[approval voting]]. SPAV was used briefly in Sweden during the early 1900s.<ref name="AzizGaspers2014">{{cite book |last1=Aziz |first1=Haris |author2=Serge Gaspers, Joachim Gudmundsson, Simon Mackenzie, Nicholas Mattei, Toby Walsh |title=Proceedings of the 2015 International Conference on Autonomous Agents and Multiagent Systems |chapter=Computational Aspects of Multi-Winner Approval Voting |pages=107–115 |isbn=978-1-4503-3413-6|arxiv=1407.3247v1 |year=2014 }}</ref>
====Asset voting====
In asset voting,<ref name=smithMultisurv/><ref name=smithAssetMultiwin>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Warren|title="Asset voting" scheme for multiwinner elections|url=http://rangevoting.org/WarrenSmithPages/homepage/multiwin.pdf|date=8 March 2005}}</ref> the voters vote for candidates and then the candidates negotiate amongst each other and reallocate votes amongst themselves. Asset voting was proposed by [[Lewis Carroll]] in 1884<ref>{{cite web |url=https://archive.org/details/ThePrinciplesOfParliamentaryRepresentation |title=The Principles of Parliamentary Representation |last=Dodgson |first=Charles |date=1884 |publisher=London: Harrison and Sons |access-date=28 June 2019 |quote=The Elector must understand that, in giving his vote to ''A'', he gives it to him as his absolute property, to use for himself, or to transfer to other Candidates, or to leave unused.}}</ref> and has been more recently independently rediscovered and extended by Warren D. Smith and Forest Simmons.<ref name=smithAssetWeb>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Warren|title=Asset voting – an interesting and very simple multiwinner voting system|url=http://rangevoting.org/Asset.html|access-date=4 April 2016}}</ref> As such, this method substitutes candidates' collective preferences for those of the voters.
====Evaluative Proportional Representation (EPR)====
Similar to [[Majority Judgment]] voting that elects single winners, Evaluative Proportional Representation (EPR) elects all the members of a legislative body. Both systems remove the qualitative wasting of votes.<ref>{{cite book|author= M. Balinski & R. Laraki|year=2010|title=Majority Judgment. |publisher=MIT |isbn=978-0-262-01513-4}}</ref> Each citizen grades the fitness for office of as many of the candidates as they wish as either Excellent (ideal), Very Good, Good, Acceptable, Poor, or Reject (entirely unsuitable). Multiple candidates may be given the same grade by a voter. Using EPR, each citizen elects their representative at-large for a city council. For a large and diverse state legislature, each citizen chooses to vote through any of the districts or official electoral associations in the country. Each voter grades any number of candidates in the whole country. Each elected representative has a different voting power (a different number of weighted votes) in the legislative body. This number is equal to the total number of votes given exclusively to each member from all citizens. Each member's weighted vote results from receiving one of the following from each voter: their highest grade, highest remaining grade, or proxy vote. No citizen's vote is "[[wasted vote|wasted]]"<ref>{{cite journal |first1=Stephen |last1=Bosworth |first2=Ander |last2=Corr |first3=Stevan |last3=Leonard |name-list-style=amp |title=Legislatures Elected by Evaluative Proportional Representation (EPR): an Algorithm |url=http://www.jpolrisk.com/legislatures-elected-by-evaluative-proportional-representation-epr-an-algorithm-v2/|journal=Journal of Political Risk |volume=7 |number=8 |date=July 8, 2019 |access-date=August 19, 2019}}</ref> Unlike all the other proportional representation systems, each EPR voter, and each self-identifying minority or majority is quantitatively represented with exact proportionality. Also, like Majority Judgment, EPR reduces by almost half both the incentives and possibilities for voters to use Tactical Voting. {{See also|Tactical voting#Majority judgment}}
==Advocacy==
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